Szijjártó Out, Vitályos In: Tisza Blocks Fidesz’s Deputy Speaker Nominee

Fidesz wanted to nominate Péter Szijjártó as one of the deputy speakers of Hungary’s National Assembly, but Tisza refused to support the former foreign minister. The post is now expected to go to Eszter Vitályos instead. In a Facebook post on Tuesday, Péter Magyar made clear that his party would not vote for Szijjártó, whom he accused of having “betrayed Hungarian interests.” The decision is more than a dispute over a parliamentary title: Szijjártó has been one of the most controversial figures of the Fidesz era, with his name linked to Covid-era procurements, Russia policy, the Foreign Ministry hacking scandal, and questions over wealth and political connections.

Tisza draws the line

Fidesz had originally planned to put forward Péter Szijjártó for a deputy speaker position in the new National Assembly. Tisza, however, signalled before the parliamentary negotiations that it would not support him. Péter Magyar wrote on Facebook on Tuesday that Tisza would not vote for “the former foreign minister who betrayed Hungarian interests”, making it clear that Szijjártó was politically unacceptable to the new governing majority.

Fidesz eventually withdrew the nomination and proposed Eszter Vitályos instead. Tisza indicated that Vitályos was an acceptable candidate, allowing the immediate institutional dispute to be resolved. Politically, however, the episode carries wider significance. It shows that Tisza is not prepared to automatically approve Fidesz nominees, especially if they are associated with the most disputed chapters of the previous government.

A symbol of the Orbán era

Szijjártó is not an ordinary former minister. As foreign minister, he was one of the most visible representatives of the Orbán governments, and one of the key figures of Hungary’s foreign policy over the past decade. For his critics, he symbolised not only the government’s international strategy, but also several controversial decisions that the opposition has long promised to investigate.

The shadow of Covid-era procurements

One of the main areas of criticism concerns the Covid pandemic. During the first wave, the Foreign Ministry played a central role in purchasing medical equipment from abroad, including ventilators, protective gear and later Chinese and Russian vaccines. Critics accused the government of buying far more ventilators than Hungary needed, at extremely high prices and through opaque procurement channels. They also questioned whether all of the equipment was suitable for use in Hungarian hospitals.

The political charge was not simply that mistakes were made during an emergency. Szijjártó’s critics argued that the Covid procurements exposed a deeper problem: huge public spending decisions were made with limited transparency, weak professional oversight and little accountability. The purchase of Eastern vaccines also became politically sensitive. The government said the Russian and Chinese vaccines helped speed up Hungary’s vaccination campaign, while opponents focused on the secrecy of the contracts, the approval procedures and the role of intermediary companies.

Russia policy and national security risks

Another major line of attack has been Szijjártó’s Russia policy. During the campaign, Tisza repeatedly portrayed him as one of the central figures of Fidesz’s Russia-friendly foreign policy. This criticism was strengthened by the controversy over the cyberattack against the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade. According to information that became public, hackers linked to Russian intelligence services may have accessed the ministry’s systems. The opposition accused the ministry of failing to treat the issue with sufficient seriousness and of downplaying a serious national security risk.

This became especially damaging because Hungary had often taken a different line from many of its European Union partners on Russia, Ukraine, energy policy and sanctions. Magyar’s accusation that Szijjártó had betrayed Hungarian interests fits into this wider argument: according to Tisza, the former foreign minister’s policies served the political survival of the Fidesz system rather than Hungary’s independent national interest.

Yacht trip, wealth and political connections

Szijjártó has also faced criticism over his personal connections and lifestyle. The best-known case was the 2020 Adriatic yacht trip, when he was photographed on a luxury yacht owned by businessman László Szíjj, a major figure in the world of state-linked contracts. Opposition politicians argued that the episode raised serious ethical and conflict-of-interest questions, particularly because Szijjártó was still communicating publicly as if he were working during that period.

His asset declarations, family loans, real estate affairs and the business circles around him have also been recurring topics. These issues form part of a broader opposition narrative about the wealth and networks of senior Fidesz-era politicians — a narrative Tisza has promised to revisit through accountability and asset-review mechanisms.

The first test of strength

The rejection of Szijjártó’s nomination was therefore Tisza’s first visible test of strength in the new parliamentary cycle. It demonstrated that the party intends to use its majority not only to pass laws, but also to reshape the political rules of recognition and legitimacy. For Fidesz, now entering opposition for the first time since 2010, the episode showed how much its room for manoeuvre has narrowed.

A compromise with a clear message

Eszter Vitályos’s nomination offers a compromise: Fidesz keeps the deputy speaker post, while Tisza prevents one of the most contested figures of the Orbán era from taking it. But the message is clear. In the new Parliament, former Fidesz power holders will not be treated as neutral institutional actors. For Tisza, Szijjártó’s rejection marks the beginning of a broader political reckoning.

Photo: Facebook/ Szijjártó Péter